Two Faces of Political Apathy
Two Faces of Political Apathy
Vijay Kashkari
The apathy faced by Kashmiri
Pandits, displaced from the Kashmir Valley in 1990, can be seen in two main
forms. The first is the persistent failure of both state/UT and central
governments to provide proper rehabilitation, justice, and security for the community.
For three decades, many have been confined to inadequate refugee camps in
Jammu, enduring poverty and a lack of basic amenities. Even employees relocated
under the Special Prime Minister's Package report threats to their safety and
insufficient lodging and support.
The second form of apathy
relates to the inaction of community leaders and broader social and media
indifference. Limited attention—such as occasional media coverage of events
from 1990—fails to capture the widespread neglect of this community by both society
and institutions responsible for governance.
The displaced community feels
isolated. They understand the 'crocodile tears' of politicians who visit them
at election time. Politicians exploit the community's suffering for
political gain without providing long-term or short-term solutions.
Together, governmental and
societal neglect have left many within the community feeling like refugees in
their own country, experiencing loss of identity, ongoing trauma, and a sense
of being forgotten.
To fully understand this
situation, it is necessary to examine both governmental indifference and the
exhaustion of community leadership in greater detail.
The first decade in exile was
marked by a struggle for survival. Employees, traders, students,
agriculturists, horticulturists, floriculturists, industrialists, and fire
sufferers repeatedly protested for basic necessities, facing government
insensitivity. Community activists often travelled to New Delhi, approaching
politicians from all parties and urging them to address the displaced
community's needs. Despite their efforts, the displaced persons remained caught
in complex challenges.
Thirty-five years have passed,
but there is no end to their exile. The displaced persons got jumbled with the
political system of India. The aspirations and complexities of the displaced
persons were addressed with different perceptions of the ruling and opposition
political parties. The displaced persons, political victims, were the
responsibility of no political party. For example, a
displaced employee sought an appointment with the then Union Home
Minister to convey their problems. The appointment was not given on one pretext
or another. The displaced employees approached Sh. Kedar Nath Sahini, the
tallest BJP leader, also failed in seeking an audience. He wrote back
that the displaced employees should try to seek the meeting themselves.
Further, he wrote that it seemed the Home Minister regarded the displaced
community as of no importance. Whenever any Union Minister or Member of
Parliament showed the courtesy of meeting the delegation of displaced
employees, their response seemed sympathetic, and their one-line recommendation
was, "I am directed to request you to please get it examined and appropriate
action taken." One more insensitivity of the Constitutional organisation I
would like to write about. It is about the National Human Rights Commission of
India (NHRC). The Forum of the displaced employees drafted a document titled "Displaced Kashmiris in General and Displaced Employees in particular." The
document has 14 annexures. NHRC responded, and a delegation was asked to attend the meeting with the Chairman of NHRC. The Employees' Forum
delegation, comprising Prof. B. L. Zutshi and me (the author of the write-up), was in the office of the NHRC on the fixed date to meet the Chairman, Justice
Ranganath Misra. In his chamber, the Chief Secretary of the
State, Mr Mir Nasarullah, then the Chief Secretary (CS) of J&K, was sitting,
representing the State to discuss our petition. The CS assured that they would look into the
petition. No results.
Until May 2004, our petition before the NHRC was heard by Justice Ranganath Misra, Justice M.N. Venkatachaliah, Justice
J.S. Verma, and Justice A.S. Anand. For over a decade, the petition was heard
and discussed. In several hearings, I participated. Ultimately, on May 22, 2004,
the Assistant Registrar (Law) informed that the case is closed. The order
read, "The complaint is not entertainable in accordance with the provisions
of Section 36 of the Protection of Human Rights Act 1993, in accordance with
Regulation 9 of the National Human Rights Commission (Procedure) Regulation
1994, as amended. Hence, no action is called for, and the file is closed."
In another case, a delegation of the Panun Kashmir
Movement (PKM), led by Shri Ashwani Kumar Chrungoo, Convener (PKM), submitted its
first memorandum to the Commission on March 7, 1994. The delegation was joined
by the representatives of AIKS and Kashmiri Samiti. Delhi. The attention of the
NHRC was requested to address the genocide, exodus, and apartheid of the
displaced community. NHRC recommended various relief measures. In the wrap-up,
NHRC wrote, "In conclusion, the solution is to be found at the political
level to make necessary provisions for the protection of rights without
compelling the victims to seek enforcement in the courts of law."
AIKS filed the case in the
Supreme Court of India in 2006 under Article 32 of the Indian Constitution. In
the year 2016, the petition was transferred to the High Court of J & K at
Jammu. The petition has been heard by 'me lords' for twenty years. AIKS
President Late Sh. M. K. Kaw, the petitioner, has left this world and must have
joined the first counsel-at-law of the case, Late Sh. Arun Jaitly, in
another world called heaven.
Referring to the
Inter-Ministerial One Hundred Thirty-Seventh Report on the Rehabilitation of
J&K Migrants placed on the table of the Rajya Sabha on February 13, 2009. The
representatives of the displaced community were heard, which included the AIKS
delegation. The last para of the report is a suggestion that reads, "…, the
role and responsibility of the Ministry of Home Affairs do not end by merely
requesting and advising the State Government. It has to play a proactive role
in the matter and vigorously pursue with the Government of J&K at the
highest level so as to convince the latter the need for formulating
rehabilitation schemes and sending them on time to the Central Government for
further action."
A team of the Interlocutors
was appointed by the Government of India on October 13, 2010, to study the
problems of J&K. In their report, they
suggested, "The Kashmiri Pandits living in cramped quarters in camps on the
outskirts of Jammu want the monthly funds they receive to be raised
substantially, given the rising costs of living. Furthermore, they seek jobs, reserved from
them in Kashmir, to be made available to them in Jammu itself. Our Group believes that both demands deserve
sympathetic consideration. Our Group
also backs the demand for the right to return and for representation in the
Apex Committee for Rehabilitation.
Likewise, we support the idea of a regular interaction programme between
KPs and Kashmiri Muslims."
No tangible results so far, as
the pleas and memos submitted in the corridors of power are put into the
dustbins.
The other face of the apathy
among displaced persons is a large number of community organisations and
leaders, and their ad hoc policies. This has created uncertainty, and the
community feels neglected or ignored. The community does not accept the system,
as they feel they didn't build this arrangement. Maybe it was by default that
so many organisations and leaders were created, but their egos do not
coordinate with each other. These smaller groups behave differently and try to grow larger. Their competitive politics is to disregard consensus
despite a common purpose. Each small action by several organisations has
resulted in an erosion of trust and faith. The leaders are characterised by a
lack of motivation, emotion, or concern for their objectives. When trust
erodes, the foundational glue of relationships, organisations, and society
breaks down. This leads to broken communication, reduced cooperation,
disengagement, and eventual withdrawal. Instead of collaboration, individuals
default to suspicion, fear, and self-preservation.
When both government and
community leaders fail to act proactively, people experience rapid systemic
decline. Accountability vanishes, leaving a vacuum that breeds chaos,
inefficiency, and distrust. It has created a total breakdown of order. A
dangerous vacuum has been created, leading to distrust of Government Institutions
and mismanagement of community organisations. The community members are individually
monitoring, regulating, and judging their own thoughts, emotions, and actions.
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